Brazilian
Carnival: a psycho-social approach
Marcos
Goursand [1]
PRESENTATION
I studied and researched Brazilian carnival
from 1976 to 1980, approaching it as a psycho-social event, especially as an
expression of a collective behavior that has its own characteristics and
dynamics. The text I am posting contains a summary with some comments of a thesis
presented in 1991 to Federal University of Minas Gerais, Belo Horizonte, Brazil
[2].
Carnival is
the biggest and most representative party in Brazil and one of the largest in the
world. Millions of people across the country are intensely involved in it during
an official four-day period, but today extended for several days.
Despite
having changed in the last decades, carnival remains a significant manifestation of
Brazilian culture and has grown year by year in the number of participants and
in its various forms of expression, such as parades in blocks, samba schools
and electric trios.
Carnival
events have also become expressions of political criticism and manifestations
against racism, sexism, homophobia and sexual prejudice. But, on the other
hand, there has been a significant increase in violence, traffic accidents,
alcohol and drug abuse, and sexual harassment.
Despite
these changes, carnival continues to be a psychosocial phenomenon of verbal and
non-verbal communication of collective and individual behaviors and as
well a mean to overcome
frustrations and release needs, desires, feelings and fantasies.
INTRODUCTION
Despite its
importance and significance, there is an almost complete lack of scientific
studies on this matter. The few that exist are mainly sociological and
anthropological approaches.
There are
several reasons pointed out for this. The first is the methodology required for
this research. Field study is the only applicable method because it is
impossible to create any kind of controlled situation. The extension,
complexity, mobility and transience of the phenomenon discourage systematic
scientific studies. There are no psychological studies on the subject. The main
data of the carnival are their nonverbal expressions (dances, attitudes,
gestures, costumes, allegories) whose contents are difficult to be expressed in
the verbal language of the scientific dissertation.
Another
aspect is that carnival and other popular demonstrations in Brazil, such as
Afro-Brazilian religions, football, collective behavior and politics, are still
taboo for psychologists who show prejudiced attitudes against them and see the
carnival as a non-serious subject of investigation.
ORIGINS AND DEVELOPMENT
ETYMOLOGY
Since
ancient times, carnival has been defined as a pagan, licentious and erotic feast.
Over the years, its history shows us the strong need of those who celebrated it
to release the restrictions imposed by social organizations, a celebration that
was generally tolerated by governors, who intuitively seemed to understand the
necessity of this collective discharge of tension.
The word
CARNIVAL is thought to come from the Latin term "carne levare", which
means "to suppress the flesh", used since the beginning of
Christianity, when meat was ablated during Lent. But the most solid
etymological hypothesis is that of "carrus navalis”, because it sheds
light on the principles of carnival history. "Carrus navalis" were
boats or large floats imitating ships. In ancient Egypt, the feasts of Isis
ended with a parade of vessels on the Nile river.
HISTORY
Originally,
carnival dates back to the Egyptian, Greek and Roman parties and orgies such as
“saturnalia” and “bacchanalia”.
With the
advent and growth of Christianity, the Church decided to regulate carnival in
the three days before Ash Wednesday. Gradually, carnival lost its original
orgiastic characteristics and after the Middle Ages became a bourgeois party in
several parts of the world. European courts had magnificent balls in luxurious
ballrooms.
But the
sexual freedom that characterized the old “bacchanalia” reappears in the
Brazilian carnival in this century.
In Brazil,
carnival began in 1641 as "entrudo" – from "introito"
(entrance in the Lent) – celebration of Portuguese origin that consisted of
joyful and aggressive "combats" with powder, vegetables and water
(sometimes heavier objects were used) where the favorite targets were slaves
and servants. Currently, Brazilian Carnival officially lasts four days,
starting on Saturday night and ending early morning on Ash Wednesday. These
carnival days are called "fat days". But nowadays, in the big cities
such as Rio de Janeiro, São Paulo, Recife, Salvador and Belo Horizonte, these
days are considered holidays and there are events related to carnival for
almost 24 hours a day.
However,
the first manifestation of the carnival occurs at midnight on December 31 at
the "New Year's Eve" celebration with the "grito de
carnaval" (carnival cry). Since then, for almost two months, preparations
are made as pre-carnival dances, rehearsals of carnival parades, manufacture of
costumes, and the increase of news about carnival on radio and television.
There are drumming in the streets, open air dancing, outdoor parades, spreading
music, etc. The climax is reached during the four fat days.
INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF CARNIVAL
Face to the
organized social structure, Turner (1974) opposes the notion of "communitas",
an unstructured or rudimentarily structured and undifferentiated community. Da
Matta (1977) sees carnival as a great "communitas", the perfect
summary of the antithesis for everyday Brazilian life, a ritual that, breaking
the "continuum" of daily life, points out in a striking way some
basic points of our social order.
For Queiroz
(1978), on the other hand, carnival is "reflecting the society in which it
is, functioning as a preservation factor of the social status quo".
Initially,
we must clearly distinguish two types of carnival: street carnival - with two
forms, organized carnival and spontaneous (not organized) - and ballroom carnival.
THE STREET
(OUTDOOR) CARNIVAL
The main
event of organized street carnival are the parades of the "samba
schools", carnival associations that take on the most diverse historical,
folkloric and socio-cultural characters, with an average of 1,200 participants
in each one. Jorio & Araujo (1969) define the "samba school" as a
manifestation of urban folklore, where a group of people expresses a specific
theme in song and dance. In 1977, in Rio, 44 schools of samba and 193 costumed
groups and floats paraded.
The
"samba schools" are the highest choreographic aspect of the carnival.
Externally, what stands out that draw the attention of anyone deeply is the socio-economic contrast between their
luxurious presentation and the poverty of their participants.
In order to
face the fabulous expenses necessary for their presentation, to please the
carnival public and the tourists of the official show and to compete with the
other candidates, the "samba schools" have become complex
organizations; they are commercialized and have a well-defined role, distancing
themselves from some basic aspects of the carnival, such as spontaneity,
improvisation and freedom to dance. The luxury of their presentation, whose
majority (about 90%) belong to the lower social level, represents the true and deep
contradiction of carnival: the rich and luxurious character played by the
miserable actor.
People who
parade in a "samba school" have to pay the expenses of their own costumes,
in addition to make some payment for their association. For the most part, they
are workers who receive the minimum
salary or little over (less than US$ 300.00 per month). Therefore, the simplest
costume, as used by the parade participants, costs a monthly salary.
Another
aspect to be mentioned is that more and more famous people, such as artists, singers,
soccer players and others of high income and status, seek to parade for a
"samba school", that has become a sign of prestige.
What was
usually a popular feast has become a luxurious parade in which authentic groups
of popular origin are pushed aside and tend to disappear. There is then a
reversal of the situation, especially inside some inner cities of the country, where
high class parades for ordinary people who only watch passively. The main character
players of some "samba schools" of these cities are individuals of
great socio-economic influence in the community.
Although
these societies are essentially conservative, we observe in carnival a rupture
of traditions and social taboos. For example, the wife of an industrialist or a
wealthy farmer is allowed to parade displaying her body seductively in complete
contrast to the way she lives the rest of the year, under a dominant, sexist
and strongly restrictive patriarchal regime.
Nowadays,
the great samba schools of Rio de Janeiro have become sophisticated
organizations with strong political and economic interests. For example, the "Escola
de Samba Beija-Flor", in Nilopolis, an industrial urban city near Rio de
Janeiro, is practically an enterprise, whose "owners" are some
families of local businessmen and politicians. In 1980, this organization spent
more than U$ 500,000 for the official parade, in addition to the individual
expenses of its high members for costumes that were about the same value.
In the
unorganized street carnival, many bands and countless groups of people gather
around two or three percussion instruments to sing and dance. Anyone who simply
has the desire to participate can join. In Santa Cruz, a suburb of Rio, we can
find the "Clovis", a group that reminds us a little of the European
carnival in its style and the "entrudo" in its origins.
THE
BALLROOM (INDOOR) CARNIVAL
Ballrooms
carnival take place in enclosed areas such as clubs and hotels, for their
members and guests or for those who buy tickets. They can be:
- the big
balls with contests of costumes and prizes for the bests. In these festivities
there are up to 10,000 people in the big clubs.
- the
carnival balls, organized by clubs in most of the Brazilian cities. Clubs
usually have four adult and two afternoon dances - "matinées" - for
young people.
The club's
carnival is almost exclusively for the middle and upper classes. Lamounier
(1977) states that it appeared to allow the women of the middle class society
to enjoy carnival without the presence of the colored and poor people.
Participants
at the club's carnival, the "revelers," are people looking for a
place to have fun. They do not belong to a group and their goals are just personal.
Their behavior is therefore marked by a search for ways to externalize their
impulses, predominantly sexual, but often socially liberated and aggressive.
Since they do not have a specific rule or function, they can reveal their own
wishes, influenced by the crowd and with little censorship about themselves.
CARNIVAL AS A COMMUNICATIONAL PHENOMENON
Carnival is
a communicational phenomenon and thus its individual and collective expressions
contain verbal and non-verbal messages. Dances, rituals, games, plays and other
types of celebrations are impregnated by rich and complex symbolism,
predominating in non-verbal language.
In carnival
it is this non-verbal communication that stands out and includes:
- Body
expressions: looks, attitudes, gestures, waves, dances, swings, ripples.
- Visual
plastic elements: costumes, garments, ornaments, allegories, images.
- Rhythmic
and cadenced music.
We can
observe, in fact, that the participants exchange few verbal messages during
carnival balls and parades. They are like "analogical communications"
that must prevail (Watzlawick, Beavin & Jackson, 1973). Despite its
richness, this kind of language is very difficult to translate into proper
verbal language.
Costumes, phantasies,
music and parade themes are plastic elements that make possible to understand
the frustrations, needs, hopes, feelings, traditions and have motivated these
forms of expressions. It is during the carnival that the individual is able to change
his/her mental fantasies into "real" ones. People living in slums can
dress like kings, princes, princesses and nobles, and the obscure worker is
observed and applauded by thousands of people. Different forms of artistic
expression can be found not only in the costumes, but also in the choreography
and allegories of the samba schools. Costumes represent a fascinating aspect in
terms of inversion of one's social self and the representation of what he/she
would like to be. On the other hand, the costumes also express some
characteristics of the society popular culture and the people hidden in their
roles, representing acceptance or aversion to social functions.
When
someone wears a costume, he/she becomes an actor able to dramatize, even to the
point of living his/her character and role. In a certain way it allows to
render concrete (to make real) wishes and phantasies. This process is similar
to that which generates the symbolic fulfillment of wishes in the dream as described
by Freud (1911).
In general,
the themes of the great samba schools are not related to the social reality and
true aspirations of both the participants and the spectators. Under a regime of
strong censorship, without full freedom of creation, concerned about their
class - there seems to be a meaning in the parade, where the main criteria are
luxury and wealth - large organizations appeal to mythical and regional themes,
tales and legends, and mainly historical epics.
Carnival
associations of less importance, such as small suburban samba schools and dancing
groups, are more authentic and capable of offering themes related to daily life
and social reality, where an official prohibition that does not allow political,
economic or social criticism does not weigh so much. Also among individual
participants or parties in ballrooms, we can find some of the attenuated forms
of social criticism.
RELEASE OF INDIVIDUAL
AND COLLETIVE REPRESSED NEEDS
The
decrease in external social censorship corresponds to a decrease in internal
censorship during carnival days, allowing participants to make use of a freedom
that does not exist during the rest of the year. In a sense, carnival acts as a
stabilizing agent of social tensions and allows the expression of unsatisfied
needs imposed by a repressive society.
CARNIVAL AS
A FORM OF SEXUAL EXPRESSION
As a
successor of orgies and bachanalis of the past, Brazilian carnival is an
essentially erotic celebration. Sexual behavior, real or symbolic, is its basic
ingredient. Eroticism involves and colors practically all manifestations of
carnival and takes on specific forms during its four days. These contents can
be noticed in the way people dance, in body movements, in female semi-nudity in
streets and clubs, in allegories, costumes, music, etc.
The
"sexual-psychological" preparation begins two months earlier, in New
Year's Eve. From then on, there are prevailing parties and preparations for
carnival, when the emotions grow intensely until they explode on Saturday, the
first day of carnival, in a "collective orgasm". For most people, a
carnival ball should end in sexual intercourse with the partner which is
usually happens among couples already formed before the party. We may say that
in a certain way carnival imitates sexual relationship.
According
to Da Matta (1977), in carnival there is a suspension of the principles that control
the relationship between the sexes. Women show themselves up, try to be
noticed, and men show their wives to everybody. Feminine exhibitionism is a celebration
feature, as it reveals the typical carnival custom of having women on the
tables and counters wearing summary clothes. Another aspect to be mentioned is
that women can often be hugged, touched and can ride on horseback of their
partners, because the usual reserve present in personal relationships in public
is suspended.
It´s also a
picturesque fact that is shown by some couples where the man is formally dressed
and the woman shows herself semi-nude. This is representative of the male dominant
aspect of the Brazilian Society, in which she is seen as man's sexual object. Thus,
in the parades of samba schools and dancing in clubs, the woman tries to exhibit
her body in the most sexually seductive manner. Opening and raising her arms,
she seems to express happiness and freedom, but also an invitation, although
copulation is not always her ultimate goal. She limits herself in being a man's
partner during the ball, withdrawing afterwards; often she dances alone or with
another woman.
The man, in
the parades, also tries to exhibit himself. But in the ballrooms he becomes a
"voyeur", an observer, waiting for the opportunity to start winning a
woman’s attention. In all parties except the carnival, it´s the man who invites
a woman to dance, and the woman accompanies her male partner. However, in
carnival, it´s often the woman who has the initiatives.
In general,
sociologists and psychologists tend to consider female nudity in carnival as a
false and superficial expression of women's liberation. Living in an
authoritarian and male dominant society, the woman becomes an object of sexual
use and her nakedness remains as an external manifestation of a pseudo-freedom
that is in fact an escape from an alienating society.
For the
Spanish playwright Fernando Arrabal, the Brazilian carnival, especially in Rio,
is the biggest simulation show in the world, an immense public ceremonial where
everything is simulated: happiness, luxury, sex. (Interview given to the
magazine "Fatos e Fotos", No. 182, March 1977).
For a long
time men have dressed frequently as women during carnival. Although many do
this in a grotesque and ironic way, with a deliberate or hidden intention to strike
women, this may represent a release of unacceptable female characteristics in
men. This custom has an important cathartic function and the wearer's purpose
may be to look repulsive and anti-seductive.
On the
other hand, however, feminine fantasies are also used by homosexuals, for
different reasons. Here there is a great concern for beauty, good taste and
luxury of the fantasy. The objective is to become as "feminine" and
"seductive" as possible like any attractive woman. Restricted by the
social environment, often rejected and threatened, the homosexual finds in the
carnival the space for his personal affirmation. He participates in organized
public balls of homosexuals (which during the year are restricted to closed
environments) and that are among the most sought articles of consumption,
including by non-homosexuals, like famous artists. They wear fantasies, invariably
feminine, the most attractive and sensual imaginable.
OTHER
AFFECTIVE NEEDS
a)
Self-affirmation. Carnival offers several possibilities for individual or group
self-affirmation. The most enthusiastic participants in carnival and prominent
in the parades are exactly those who belong to lower social levels, such as
blacks and mulattos, who do hard work and household chores. At carnival they
have a chance to demonstrate other skills beyond these. Carnival is temporarily
a pseudo-leveling social celebration since it is a unique occasion to meet people
of different socioeconomic level as mistresses and maids dancing and exhibiting
in the same group.
b)
Exhibition and exhibitionism. The need to exhibit oneself, finds its
fulfillment in carnival. Initially, through fantasies that often express
desires, aspirations or fears of those who wear them. This expression sometimes
becomes exaggerated, reaching exhibitionism and ostentation when we observe the
participants of fancy dress contests. Here the greatest need is to exhibit economic
power over the lower and middle classes, to get applauses and fame, and to
cause envy or jealousy among their competitors, often homosexuals who assume
their condition. These costumes can cost up to US$ 20,000.00. As a less
ostensive form of exhibition of "status" can be seen in the behavior
of rich or upper middle-class people on balconies or at special tables in
clubs. Here we note the need to show a high social level (sometimes) and
"going well" in the picture, differently from the authentic
participant, much more spontaneous who is mainly interested in having fun.
c) Autonomy
and freedom. The sense of autonomy and freedom (partially allowed), which is
given by the escape of rules, social norms and regulations, is an essential
phenomenon to participate in carnival. It is a climate of apparent freedom
produced by the release of social tension caused by social, political and
economic repression. In this sense, it is worth questioning the value of
carnival freedom. There are authors who see in carnival a form of anesthesia of
true feelings of autonomy and a way of disguising true freedom. On the other
hand, there are others who see in it an opening for individual freedom that is
not possible during the rest of the year and, in this sense it would be a
salutary and homeostatic channel of discharging social tensions.
d) Troubled
needs. It has been observed that carnival excites and stimulates a pathological
behavior which is easily explained by the suspension or reduction of censorship
and repression. It consists of four days of permissive "madness",
after which the individual returns to his/her normal life on Ash Wednesday. We
have noticed, specially:
- A
considerable increase in the consumption of alcoholic beverages and drugs,
which aims to free the individual from social inhibitions and help him/her
overcome censorship and resistance.
- Carnival
itself may be considered a maniac manifestation, reminiscent from ancient orgies.
Exaltation, euphoria, instability, denial of reality, feelings of power and
triumph are elements that saturate carnival events.
- The
increase of aggressiveness which generates frequent fights, assaults, murders
and accidents. In São Paulo, in 1977, during the four days of the carnival,
there were 183 traffic accidents involving victims and 594 without a victim,
216 personal injuries, 116 people run over, 468 assaults, 130 of them with
serious personal injuries and murder attempts, 47 murders , 31 suicides, 314
thefts and robberies, 1,197 cases of public disorder, and 277 other cases.
- Behavior
expressing narcissism, hysteria, autism and other disorders are often observed
in clubs and public places.
CONCLUDING
Carnival is
a collective and communicational behavioral phenomenon and, as such, its
expressions can be studied by Social Psychology, despite its methodological
difficulties. Understanding carnival events can provide us with valuable
information about collective behavior, especially the release of socially
repressed needs, such as sexual. The satisfaction of these needs seems to be
much more in symbolic context than in reality.
Carnival events have
also become expressions of social and political criticism and manifestations
against racism, sexism, homophobia, and sexual
prejudice.
But, on the other hand,
there has been a significant increase in violence, traffic accidents, alcohol
and drug abuse, disrespect for women, aggression, nudity, shamelessness, and
sexual harassment of women, children and adolescents who become more vulnerable
at carnival.
Marked by deep
socio-economic frustrations and personal dissatisfactions, the Brazilian takes
advantage of the festive occasions to vent and does so with aggression and
violence. Events initially capable of generating joy (carnival, soccer,
ballads, popular parties) end up becoming violent.
We are, in fact, a
society in frank and accentuated process of massification and disintegration.
We are losing social and ethical values, while violence, corruption,
dishonesty, opportunism, lack of respect for the laws and other people are
taking care of massive behavior.
Despite these changes,
carnival continues to be a psycho-social phenomenon of verbal and non-verbal
communication of collective and individual behaviors and also a mean of overcoming
frustrations and releasing repressed needs, desires, dreams, feelings,
emotions, fantasies.
REFERENCES
DA MATTA, R. Ensaios
de Anropologia Estrutural. Petrópolis/RJ: Ed. Vozes, 1977.
FREUD, S. Interpretation of Dreams, Standard
Edition. London: International
Universities Press, 1973.
JÓRIO, A. &
ARAUJO, H. Escolas de samba em desfile. Rio de Janeiro: Poligráfica Ed., 1969.
LAMOUNIER, B. Foi
assim que o Rei Momo virou burocrata. Revista
Isto É, Nº 10, fevereiro 1967.
QUEIROZ, M. I. Festa
e Carnaval: temas atuais de pesquisa sociológica. 30a. Reunião
Anual da SBPC, São Paulo, 1978.
TURNER, V. The Ritual Process: Structure and
Anti-Structure. Chicago: Aldine Publishing Co., 1969.
WATZLAWICK, P.; BEAVIN, J. H. & JACKSON, D.D. Pragmatics of Human
Communication. New York
& London: W. W. Norton, 1967.
[1]
Social psychologist and retired professor from UFMG (Universidade
Federal de Minas Gerais). Doctorate from PUC-SP (Pontifícia Universidade Católica
de Saõ Paulo). Post
doctorate degree from UCLA (University of California), USA. Currently have 3
books published. E-mail: goursand@gmail.com
[2]
Carnaval:
fato e fantasia – uma abordagem psicossocial. Tese para concurso de professor titular, Universidade Federal de
Minas Gerais, 1991.
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